Something is rotten in Melanesia!

Joseph Veramu

In the early seventeenth century, Shakespeare wrote the play Macbeth, which featured the famous line: “Something is rotten in the state of Denmark".  Today, when it comes to corruption at least, Denmark is far from rotten: the country was ranked first (with a score of 88) in the 2021 Corruptions Perception Index (CPI) – an annual index which measures perceived levels of public sector corruption by experts and the business community.

 Unfortunately, the same cannot be said for a handful of Melanesian countries also included on the latest CPI. Amongst the 180 countries assessed globally, Fiji ranked highest amongst the Pacific countries with a similar score to Dominica at 55 out of 100. 100 indicates very clean and 0 very corrupt. Vanuatu, Solomon Islands and PNG stagnated with scores similar to China, Hungary and Niger at 45, 43 and 31 respectively. PNG continues to rank the lowest on the index amongst the Pacific countries.

 While the CPI relies on experts to assess levels of corruption, a newly released survey shows that Melanesian citizens are also concerned about corruption.  The Global Corruption Barometer Pacific 2021 Survey – measures public perceptions of, and experiences with corruption.  Findings from Fiji noted that 68% of citizens think that corruption in government is a very big problem. The report also noted that, in comparison to other Pacific nations, more citizens in Solomon Islands and PNG were concerned about corruption. A staggering 97 percent in Solomon Islands and 96 percent in PNG said that corruption in government is a very big problem. In Vanuatu, the percentage of people who think that corruption is a very big problem in government was 73%.

 Can more be done to curb corruption and improve these findings?

  In most Melanesian nations, governments have made progress through law reform and policy development to meet key global anti-corruption commitments they have signed onto - such as the United Nations Convention Against Corruption (UNCAC), and relevant targets under Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16. However, sometimes these well-meaning policies are not effectively translated into tangible actions in the annual plans of Ministries tasked with promoting transparency and accountability. 

 For example, an Inter-press Services (IPS) Report on 7/2/2022 quoted Busa Jeremiah Wenogo, a development economist in the capital of Papua New Guinea (PNG), Port Moresby, noting that “kickbacks offered to government officials to facilitate payment is still rampant. Most big civil and building contracts tend to have very strong political connections and ties, which means that the procurement process is still weak.” The same IPS report also quoted Ruth Liloqula, Chief Executive of Transparency Solomon Islands. She told IPS from the capital, Honiara that the most corrupt individuals and institutions in the country are members of parliament and companies extracting natural resources.

 It is also noted that there is sometimes a tendency to personalize culture. Tribal or kinship links are sometimes exploited by people in powerful positions for personal gain. This calls for governments to ensure greater accountability of political decision makers. It should be mandatory that public officials should publicly disclose their income and assets. These disclosures should be linked with mechanisms to identify and monitor potential conflicts of interest. There should be improved accountability in the use of discretionary public funds and ensuring that law enforcement institutions and the judiciary can effectively sanction high-level corruption.

 Integrity Fiji (Fijian civil society organisation focussed on anti-corruption) has recognised the value of collaborating with multiple stakeholders.  Working with the Ministry involved in government procurements has helped to ensure that vendors and suppliers are familiar with ethical compliance procedures. The Fijian Civil Society Organisation (CSO) also found that working closely with United Nations agencies like United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) and United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) has been very helpful in providing best practices on anti-corruption strategies under the provisions of UNCAC. In the case of UNODC Pacific, they have excellent procurement resources and expertise to assist government procurement officers develop proactive competency skills in ethical processes.

  The CPI 2021 and other corruption surveys recently conducted in the region reveal that the situation has not changed for the better. This calls for evaluating the effectiveness of various activities in national anti-corruption plans. It may mean that “same old-same old’ activities where workshops are held in poverty-stricken villages, and long lectures in air-conditioned hotel settings are done away with because of their ineffectiveness. Governments in the anti-corruption space should be actively monitoring, re-strategising and adopting best practices as needed to ensure anti-corruption efforts yield impact in communities – particularly for those most marginalised.

 In Fiji, Papua New Guinea (PNG), Solomon Islands and Vanuatu, curbing public sector corruption is challenging. All is not well at the top of the political hierarchy in Melanesia. CSOs in the anti-corruption space can sometimes feel like Hamlet – sleep walking through anti-corruption advocacy as the ‘rank and gross’ spirits of corruption refuse to be curbed! Things must be done differently to start seeing some improvements.

 Joseph Veramu is Executive Director of Civic Leaders for Clean Transactions (CLCT) Integrity Fiji – Transparency International’s National Contact in Fiji

Tuvalu and Smaller Pacific Nations Must Have Proactive Anti-Corruption Policies

 The article also appeared in the Fiji Times of Feb 12, 2022 Joseph Veramu

Regional and global news media outlets are reporting that Tuvalu's Foreign Minister Simon Kofe has been nominated for the Nobel peace prize by Norwegian politician Guri Melby. Mr Kofe received global media prominence during COP26 when he gave an impassioned speech (that went viral) while standing knee-deep in the sea to highlight rising sea levels due to climate change. Saving Tuvalu, Kofe said, was akin to saving the world. There is much that the smaller Pacific Island states can do, for example, in accessing climate finance to assist in climate mitigation and adaptation strategies. There is also the cautionary argument that working with non-state actors in the anti-corruption space can help these nations overcome corruption issues that inevitably creep in when huge amounts of funds are being disbursed. Non state agencies represent citizen groups in small island states and although their discussions may be time consuming and raucous at times, they provide a vital kind of grassroots democracy that can inform parliamentary debates and decisions

Kofe’s nomination has also been positive in bringing attention to the smaller Pacific island nations (GDPs of between $200m to $500m), with vibrant cultures and sustainable marine practices, that are very rarely featured in media reports, unless they are sinking! Most of the publicity has usually centred around Tuvalu’s closest neighbour Fiji (GDP-$13b) which held the leadership of COP23. It is a refreshing change to see Tuvalu coming into prominence on the global climate change stage. Tuvalu leaders have a reputation for being robust in their climate change arguments especially in Pacific Forum Leaders’ meetings. Their strategy of presenting important climate change messages standing in knee deep water ensures their message becomes viral.

In 2019, then Tuvalu Prime Minister Sopoaga wanted regional leaders including Australia to endorse the Tuvalu Declaration, a strongly worded call to action from the Smaller Islands States grouping. Australia had resisted because it would have affected its massive coal exports and the language of the Declaration referred to climate change as a ‘crisis’ which the Australian Prime Minister did not agree with. The BBC on 12/10/21 reported leaked COP 26 documents showing nations lobbying to change the key climate report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), the UN body tasked with evaluating the science of climate change. The BBC reported a senior Australian government official rejecting the conclusion that closing coal-fired power plants is necessary, even though ending the use of coal was one of the stated objectives of COP26. Australia was also part of a group of developed nations arguing in favour of emerging and currently expensive technologies designed to capture and permanently store carbon dioxide underground.

A Transparency International blog piece noted that “Many of the countries (no Pacific country is included in the list) judged most vulnerable to the most visible effects of climate change are also countries where experts perceive high levels of corruption in public services.

To access Global Climate Funds, it is important that small Pacific Island states like Tuvalu and Kiribati, for example, adhere to the same compliance standards as larger nations and not be treated any differently. These nations need to have robust anti-corruption agencies that investigate allegations and also have the expertise to successfully prosecute corruption cases. While the Global Corruption Barometer Survey 2021 did not cover Tuvalu, it surveyed 3 other similar smaller nations. The results are insightful. Blissful small islands are sometimes prone to corruption, despite our perceptions that they don’t often happen in paradise!  In Tonga, Kiribati and the Federated States of Micronesia it was reported that 38%, 64% and 61% respectively, of people paid a bribe for public services in the previous 12 months. The argument is made here that small Pacific Island states should not be ignored in anti-corruption strategies targeting internal corruption and international money laundering, for example.

The UNDP Pacific Office reported on 14/12/21 that it is supporting Tuvalu and Pacific nations to assess the climate-security risks and support them to design and implement risk management solutions that are sustainable, inclusive and catalytic. In 2021, Tuvalu was also part of the UNDP Pacific’s virtual knowledge forum to exchange experiences and views on ‘Intelligence-Led Financial Disruption of Corruption.’ The approach aimed to gather relevant information on various corruption offences and convert the information into useful intelligence by relevant Tuvalu agencies to identify facilitators of corruption.

Earlier in the article I alluded to the important role of non-state actors working in the anti-corruption space. For Pacific states with limited expertise in anti-corruption advocacy, working constructively with CSOs in this space can be beneficial in preventing corruption. A Transparency International blog piece noted, for example, that “Carbon offset markets have been found to present a myriad of corruption risks and fraud…Clearly defined social, environmental, and anti-corruption safeguards should be installed in climate project activities. A complaints mechanism and mandatory local stakeholder consultation procedures need to be created to avoid and swiftly address adverse local impacts.”   

A strong argument is being made for small Pacific Island nations to engage proactively with non-state players. A Transparency International blog article noted that, “The mandate of climate justice is not just environmental. It also calls for the protection of communities most vulnerable to it, often at the frontlines of fighting the climate crisis.”

While Mr Kofe of Tuvalu and other Pacific Island leaders stand in global climate change forums, in designer suits, to expound on their nations’ environmental plight, it is important that the people who make up these vulnerable nations are actively involved in grassroots democratic forums that take their insights and wisdom into serious consideration. CSOs in the anti-corruption space have built up a constructive body of knowledge working with communities and are better placed to work with Pacific Islands states in developing policies, accessing resources and other plans for promoting sustainability.

Joseph Veramu is an Executive of CLCT Integrity Fiji, the accredited National Contact for Transparency International in Fiji. 

Corruption Perceptions Index and the Anti-Corruption Landscape for Young Fijians

Shalom Tehilatti, Grace Konrote and Samu Walosio

In 2005 when Fiji’s Corruption Perceptions Index came out, we were 5, 3 and 6 years old respectively. We were too young to understand the implications of Fiji having a score of 40 out of 100. For the next 8 years from 2006 to 2013, Fiji had a military Government. Fiji was also not featured in the CPI until the latest release in 2022. (It needed a minimum of 3 international sources of data which was not available!)

We constantly hear remarks that we see the illiberal democracy we now have as normal as we did not live through a liberal democracy milieu. The CPI journey from 2005 to the deafening silence in between has reflected our own journeys from childhood to young adulthood, living through the COVID-19 pandemic and the limitations of public freedom, not to mention the corruption that it usually breeds. Life has not been easy in 2020 - 2021, because Fiji relies on tourism and when they stopped coming, we struggled.

Credit where it is due

We feel that we have to give credit where it is due. We may not always agree with the way things are run in Fiji but in their own fumbling way, the Fijian Government has scored 55 out of 100 in 2021. This gives it a rank of 45 out of 180 countries. A New Zealand Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade Officer (We were funded by them in 2019 and continue to receive their funding through Transparency International) noted that Fiji is a country where its anti-corruption agency (set up under the provisions of UNCAC) actually works. 

We just feel that Fiji should not feel smug comparing our score to Vanuatu, the Solomon Islands or PNG. As the hub and the largest economy in the South Pacific, Fiji should be aspiring to emulate Australia and/or New Zealand.

Politically aware and active

Going back to our point on living in an illiberal democracy, we feel that we should be politically aware and be active in ensuring that democracy is nurtured and that human rights is protected. We are inspired by the statement of Ms Delia Ferreira Rubio the Chair of Transparency International that, “Human rights are not simply a nice-to-have in the fight against corruption. Authoritarianism makes anti-corruption efforts dependent on the whims of an elite. Ensuring that civil society and the media can speak freely and hold power to account is the only sustainable route to a corruption-free society. “

Transparency International’s analysis showed that upholding human rights is crucial in the fight against corruption, with countries who violate civil liberties scoring lower on the CPI.

Transparency International noted that since 2012, 90 per cent of countries have stagnated or declined in their civil liberties score. They add that corruption undermines the ability of governments to guarantee the human rights of their citizens. This affects the delivery of public services, the dispensation of justice and the provision of safety for all. In particular, grand corruption committed by high level officials usually combines the large-scale, transnational theft of public funds with gross human rights violations.

  Young people need to be anti-corruption fighter

Although many young Fijians of our generation are more interested in Uni studies and getting employed afterwards, we feel that they should be more politically active, questioning how they are ruled and fighting to curb corruption. Our demographic group had the lowest margin of voters in the 2014 and 2018 National Parliamentary Elections. One youth leader (perhaps uncharitably) quipped, “One set of thieves gets replaced by another. The political party name may change but the politicians’ motivations don’t seem to change. Why waste our time?”

This is the kind of thinking that breeds corruption in high places. We can change the way things are done by strengthening the integrity pillars of Parliament, the Judiciary, the Civil Service, Religious and Cultural Institutions. We should move towards a culture of integrity. We plead with the Fijian mainstream media not to be timid and to have the balls to be courageous in exposing corrupt acts.

There is no indication that voters in the 18-25 age group will vote in huge numbers in the 2022 Fijian National Elections despite the well-meaning efforts by the Fijian Elections Office. Not a week goes by without a headline from the mainstream media reporting on squabbles and bickering from the opposition parties. “They’re always fighting,” JonJon (He has a nice Fijian name but prefers to be called by his nickname!) said. ”If they are forever fighting and all parties are run by ex-military officers then it’s just not worth it to go out there and vote for one set of army types with another.”

Fijian CPI journey

The Fijian CPI journey for Fiji from 2005 to 2021 is also a story ‘in progress’ for us at Youths for Integrity and our NGO, CLCT-Integrity Fiji.  We have to model good behaviour. We are currently having our organisational and project audits. We have also faced some challenges working with conservative institutions run by baby boomers.  They find our emphasis on ‘social media education’ and our almost religious ‘Children of the Corn’ (their words!) devotion to our anti-corruption work quite unnerving.

We have our work cut out for us – The CPI 2021 results for Fiji has come out and the hard work needs to be done to ensure that Fiji’s score in 2022 increases rather than decreases.

We are so thankful for the wonderful support provided to us by Board Members and Staff of Transparency International New Zealand, the TI Pacific Office and all friends and well-wishers throughout the world. It means so much to us in our fight against corruption.

Hearing the Voices of Ordinary Fijians: The Global Corruption Barometer – Pacific

 
Joseph Veramu, Katy Mackey and Mariam Mathew 

Fiji is a paradox; it is considered the hub of the South Pacific and has the largest economy. Yet despite its fame as a rugby sevens powerhouse, smiling Fijians and images of Fiji Water (being consumed by celebrities), the nation remains an enigma in some ways. Statistical data on corruption and other development issues on Fiji is not easy to come by and Fiji and other Pacific Island countries are often left off key indices. But this is starting to change.

On November 16, Transparency International released the first ever Global Corruption Barometer – Pacific. This report is welcome news for Pacific nations. Representing the views of over 6,000 people across ten Pacific countries and territories, including 1,000 Fijians, it is the most extensive public opinion survey on corruption ever gathered in the region. It asked everyday people across the region about their perceptions and lived experiences of corruption.

The report notes that, “When it comes to corruption, Pacific countries and territories have remained among the most under-studied in the world.” This data enables groups working in the anti-corruption space, including CLCT Integrity Fiji, to develop more effective, evidence-based strategies to build a culture of integrity.

The day of reckoning has come, and courage should not be in short supply!

Across the region, most Pacific Islanders surveyed support their government’s anti-corruption measures and believe that ordinary people can make a difference in the fight against corruption. Yet, the results also show that corruption impacts all areas of the lives of citizens, that there is a strong perception of corruption in key institutions and that citizens feel left out of decision-making processes. Meaningfully engaging citizens is an essential part of putting the wide range of transparency and good governance commitments made by Pacific leaders into practice.

The results for Fiji itself are heartening in some ways and comparatively better than the other countries surveyed, though still problematic. This demonstrates that the fight against corruption is never ending and there is no time to rest on our laurels or slow the pace of advocacy and litigations in the courts.

We will start off with the good news! 

A whopping 83% of respondents in Fiji agreed that ordinary people can make a difference in the fight against corruption. 56% agreed that the Government is doing a good job in fighting corruption, although this is slightly lower than the regional average of 62%.

Generally, Fijian respondents thought that their institutions, including parliament, civil servants, police, the courts and religious institutions, were less likely to be corrupt than respondents in the other countries surveyed.

When asked if they had paid a bribe to access public services in the 12 months before the survey, only 5% of Fijian respondents said yes, compared to the regional average of 32%. Only 17% relied on personal connections and only 4% reported that they had been offered a bribe to vote a certain way – again, both of these rates were lower than the regional average.

Of those who reported paying a bribe, 31% reported it to the relevant authorities, the highest rate in the region. This demonstrates in part the success that the national anti-corruption agency FICAC has had in public awareness and advocacy. The anti-corruption posters appearing on bus shelters, public transport, and mainstream media, and the young lawyers arguing cases in court have made an impact. And yet, more must be done. While these results are positive, essential services must be available to all regardless of who they know or if they can pay a bribe and free and fair elections remain a hallmark of our democracy.

There were greater causes for concern as well. A majority of Fijian respondents believe that corruption is a big problem for the country, in both government (68%) and the private sector (61%).

When asked if corrupt officials face appropriate action against them, 31% said they never or rarely did. 67% believe that companies use money or connections to secure profitable government contracts at least occasionally.

Perhaps most worryingly, 39% of respondents felt that their views were ‘never or rarely’ taken into account by government. Only 15% said that the government takes their views into account frequently or very frequently.

Drawing on the hope that Fijians reported in this survey, there is room for engaging citizens at the grassroots level to play proactive roles in curbing corruption. The survey results indicate that what is needed during the challenging pandemic period we are going through is more citizens’ engagement. This will require the government to strengthen access to information, media freedom and freedom of expression as well as supporting affected communities and civil society organisations to conduct independent monitoring of public contracting.

People are passionate about their country and believe they are a part of the narrative. They need to feel they are also helping to steer the canoe, not just riding as passengers. If they are apathetic, then that nurtures the breeding ground for corruption to flourish. These results show that Fijians are optimistic about the future. Let’s prove them right and stamp out corruption. 

 

Strengthening Integrity in Humanities and Education (Oct 21-23, 2021 - Utiqa Resort)

Elsie Pickering and Shalom Tehillati (Supported by TRANSPARENCY INTERNATIONAL)

Elsie Pickering (r) and Shalom Tehillati (l) standing next to Dean Professor Unaisi Nabobo-Baba (seated) and other academic staff of CHE, Fiji National University

The calm and affirming setting of Ultiqa Resort in Pacific Harbour was the perfect setting for the Leaders Retreat organized by CLCT Integrity Fiji for the College of Humanities and Education (Fiji National University)

The Retreat looked at how ethics, good governance, anti-corruption values and integrity can be integrated in a seamless way into the Faculty of Humanities & Education  Corporate Plan 2022 to create better synergies with CLCT Integrity Fiji.

A highlight of the Retreat was the Round Table Discussions with the Minister of Education, Heritage and Arts (MEHA) Honorable Pramila Kumar and her senior officials. Ethics and good governance were key components of the exchanges. They were pleasantly surprised to hear about the constructive partnership between CLCT Integrity Fiji and the Faculty.  The discussions centred around MEHA Policies on Teacher Education and strategies for the School of Education to optimize its programmes of producing graduates who are imbued with both the pedagogical and personal values to be effective classroom practitioners able to deal with external variables that impact on students learning.

A key outcome of the Retreat was the collaboration on research and CSR activities with CLCT Integrity Fiji. They include the following initiatives –

-       School of Social Science (Dr M Alam) Research on University Students Perceptions of Transparency and Integrity

-       Dept of Ethics & Integrity plan to turn the highly successful MOOC anti-corruption course into a paid short course

-       Explore how Integrity Fiji can work with SoE on the BA in Sports from the angle of Sports Integrity to market the degree (with Integrity Fiji's partners in the Fiji Sports Commission and Ministry of Youth and Sports)

-       Work with Dept of Creative Arts (and Dept of Environment and Landowner) on Clean Up and placing of Signage on the popular Mt Korobaba hiking route.

-       Support various activities of CHE in CSR, Climate Change etc.

-       Continue working with SoE on the Trainee Teachers Leadership Program (and exploring areas of cooperation on the Enrichment program possibly with Girl Guides, Scouts, etc

-       Support the Launch of the Global Corruption Barometer on Nov 17 and the International Anti-Corruption Day on Dec 9.

The Retreat also had its fun moments when Integrity Fiji reps, Elsie Pickering and Shalom Tehillati organised a highly entertaining fun night!

 

Local CSOs Need to Be Part of the UNCAC Process in their Nations

 CLCT Integrity Fiji (National Contact for Transparency International)

On September 3^rd, CLCT Integrity Fiji organized a workshop on the United National Convention Against Corruption. Our meeting in Suva City Fiji coincided with governmental anti-corruption experts from around the world who met in Vienna starting on Sep 6 (and virtually) as three subsidiary bodies of the UNCAC Conference of States Parties to discuss UNCAC implementation, asset recovery, and international cooperation. 

While CSO observers are not invited to participate in these bodies’ proceedings, country delegates have been receptive to constructive suggestions on how governments should move forward on implementing the anti-corruption commitments they agreed to in June 2021 at the UN General Assembly Special Session against corruption and through the Political Declaration it adopted.

NGOs in Vienna received their annual briefing on UNCAC implementation from UNODC on Sep 7. This was an unusual (very rarely happens) opportunity for civil society to formally engage with the UNCAC Secretariat and with interested States who attended the meeting on how to advance the implementation of the UNCAC jointly.

The Vienna meeting discussed concrete next steps to prevent and combat grand corruption ahead of the 9th Session of the Conference of States Parties to the UNCAC in December 2021

MOOC Anti-Corruption Course

CLCT Integrity Fiji’s discussions of UNCAC follows the successful Massive Open Online Course (MOOC) on Ethics and Anti-Corruption in Oceania that was offered on Jan 15, 2021. This was a collaborative effort between the Fiji National University (FNU) and CLCT Integrity Fiji. The course attracted 1,400 participants from Fiji and Pacific nations. Its main aim was to raise awareness on transparency and good governance under the provisions of UNCAC.

FNU’s Acting Vice-Chancellor, Dr William May, highlighted that corruption is a serious crime that remains a key obstacle to the development of a nation. “The development funds that should be dedicated to vital education and health care are diverted into the hands of public officials and this impact’s the government’s ability to deliver basic services, causing greater inequality and poverty, if not managed well,” Dr May said.

The free MOOC anti-corruption course is aligned to the Government’s ratified commitments under the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC) and also aligned to the push against corruption in Fiji, the Pacific and globally under Transparency International’s policy commitments to Agenda 21’s SDG 16.

 Specifics of CLCT Integrity Fiji Wksp

At the UNCAC Workshop Samu Walosio and Grace Konrote who presented on Chapter 2 : Preventive Measures noted the provisions of Article 13. Participation of society in curbing corruption. It also enables CSOs to work with the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC) in supporting the corruption complaints mechanism to enable the public to report corruption incidents.

Article 13 highlighted the active participation of individuals and groups outside the public sector, such as civil society, non-governmental organizations and community-based organizations, in the prevention of and the fight against corruption and to raise public awareness regarding the existence, causes and gravity of and the threat posed by corruption. It is appreciated that FICAC had been very supportive of the MOOC Anti Corruption Online Free course offered through the Fiji National University

In Chapter III looking at “Criminalization and law enforcement”, Shalom Tehillatti and Maria Yavala noted that Article 33 looks specifically at the Protection of reporting persons

Each State Party shall consider incorporating into its domestic legal system appropriate measures to provide protection against any unjustified treatment for any person who reports in good faith and on reasonable grounds to the competent authorities any facts concerning offences established in accordance with this Convention

There is often a disjoint between what is written in our laws about the protection of whistleblowers and the actual practice of enforcing it. This is an area that needs to be strengthened.

CLCT Integrity Fiji will work closely with FICAC, Government agencies, corporate bodies and civil society to advocate on transparency, accountability and anti-corruption messages and interventions under the provisions of UNCAC.

Here are some papers from the UNCAC Civil Society Coalition that will be of great interest.

https://uncaccoalition.org/12th-irg-submission-advancing-uncac-implementation/

https://www.unodc.org/unodc/en/corruption/IRG/session12-first-resumed.html

https://uncaccoalition.org/12th-irg-submission-advancing-the-implementation-of-commitments/

https://uncaccoalition.org/recognizing-victims-of-corruption/

https://uncaccoalition.org/12th-irg-submission-tackling-corruption-related-to-environmental-crimes/

The UNCAC Coalition is the global civil society network for the implementation and monitoring of the United Nations Convention against Corruption (UNCAC)

Do you have relevant news or a success story linked to the UNCAC that you would like to feature in the next newsletter? Send an email with the subject line "Newsletter" at info@uncaccoalition.org

Pacific Models in Small Island Nations Integrity Assessments

 Professor Unaisi Nabobo-Baba, Laisa Tifere, Mosese Natuilagilagi, Sereima Takiveikata, Joseph Veramu (College of Humanities and Education, Fiji National University & CLCT INTEGRITY FIJI)

Introduction

The traditional National Integrity System (NIS) assessment used by Transparency International evaluates key ‘pillars’ in a country’s governance system, such as the judiciary, public sector, media, both in terms of their internal corruption risks and their contribution, as integrity systems, to preventing and fighting corruption in society. The rationale for this approach is that strengthening the National Integrity System promotes better governance across all aspects of a society and contributes to a more just nation.

Small and relatively isolated nations present challenges when applying an NIS assessment model, with all its pillars. For example, in small island nations, government functions are often integrated and centralised. Many nations do not have a fully functioning mainstream media, for example.

In Pacific Island States, there is often a disjoint between how well the pillar concepts fit with local culture. Cultural institutions, for example, especially in Melanesian and Polynesian nations, have a strong influence on ethical practice, such as the Fa’amatai in Samoa or the Fijian Chiefly system.

Transparency International New Zealand faced this challenge when trying to incorporate the Treaty of Waitangi and tikanga within the integrity systems in New Zealand.

CLCT Integrity Fiji and the College of Humanities & Education of the Fiji National University notes that traditional governance systems in the Fijian culture runs as a parallel system to the Westminster national governance system. Integrating variables from the traditional integrity system in the assessment tools will provide a more realistic picture of the NIS situation.

The CHE / FNU academics have provided these discussion notes under the following NIS assessment strategies.

1.1 Design of Pacific small nation NIS assessment should be flexible enough to ensure that the concept and approach best captures governance and integrity elements unique to the nations. This could include social and cultural integrity frameworks, social values and governance institutions.

 There is a strong Christian dimension that intertwines Fijian and Pacific cultural ethos. This dimension, together with culture, predicates how islanders ‘read’ the world and engage with notions of integrity and good governance. “Integrity is the glue that holds our way of life together. We must constantly strive to keep our integrity intact. When wealth is lost, nothing is lost; when health is lost, something is lost; when character is lost, all is lost” Billy Graham.

Design and development of the NIS: The factors that are driving the assessment of NIS has to be from and of the people. We cannot assume that the people in the Pacific perceive the world in the same way as the people in the Metropolitan nations; they are different, they have their own cultures (Lafitau, pp1712 to 1717).

The indigenous people of the Pacific need to tell their stories. They need to articulate how the “integrity” concept is defined, implemented and assessed.  (Tuhiwai-Smith, 2012, pp 2) and (Vaai, 2017 pp18). They have their own views and ideas as a group of people with distinct languages, cultures, traditions and worldviews to share. However, the composition of their narratives was usually interpreted through non-Pacific cultural lenses (Vaai, 2017 pp 18, Smith, 2012, pp 2).

Pacific islanders also have their own set of values, skills and attitude that are being transmitted from one generation to another; this ensures the continuity of their society and along with it their history, value system and view of the universe. Baba, T. L., (1986).

The integrity assessment tools should be predicated on cultural variables that are “socially situated and demands the placing of the owner of the knowledge at the center. (This) knowledge system and its ethos, should be the basis of enquiry and understanding” (Nabobo- Baba, U. 2008).

1.2 NIS assessments should take close account of the country context. This may mean accounting for such things as relative progress for emerging democracies, size elements that affect centralisation and linkages between integrity elements.

1.3 Small nations’ NIS assessments need to include contextual vulnerabilities that can impact upon integrity resilience, such as environmental degradation; disaster risk, regional power dynamics; aid dependencies’ economic shocks, stubborn poverty and inequity; distance; digital poverty and variable literacy.

Baba stressed the need to understand the critical factors of ‘islandness’ which is the key to developing a theoretical framework that is crucial to guiding their development. Baba, T. L., (1986). To ensure that the NIS assessment accurately measures Pacific integrity systems, its objectives (of the assessment tools) should be understood by the people for which it was designed.

Given the pervasive influence of Colonial structures in our national integrity pillars, it is often the case that the cultural governance system exists as a parallel system with modern day Western pillars. In Pacific nations, the laws that govern the integrity pillars are written in legal English that most citizens do not understand. While national policy writers reference these laws when writing reports of how their nations are complying with various UN Conventions and Protocols (that Pacific nations are signatory to) the bulk of the people get by on their traditional integrity systems which is usually based on oral traditions!

Assessment should take cognizance of how traditional and the Westminster systems can complement each other and contribute to traditional integrity systems enriching the pillars that are to be measured.

A key issue raised by Baba that could be an underlining factor is the differences in the focus. Through their Faith, the people are concerned with the total change of their society based on Christian principles. This communal approach is quite different from the national integrity pillars that emphasize the individual’s role in complying with national laws.

While national integrity pillars, ensure citizens compliance through deterrent legal safeguards, the traditional system ensures integrity compliance through appealing to how anti-social behavior affects the society holistically. Risk management strategies, where the extended family and clan become social ‘policemen’, ensures that islanders adhere to societal standards of integrity.

The National Integrity System (as a construct of Government) focuses on the socio-economic wellbeing of the nation.

The traditional integrity system concentrates on the citizen as a holistic part of the extended family, clan and nation. When these multifaceted variables are taken into account, it will enable a more accurate assessment of the integrity pillars.

In a multicultural nation like Fiji which has gone through five coups, the democratic system is illiberal. If the NIS assessment tools are predicated strictly on liberal democracy, then the scores will be very low (when compared to advanced democracies like Germany or the US.)

One of the aims of the NISA is for nations to improve their integrity systems. It becomes self-defeating if the NISA is predicated on an advanced liberal democracy integrity system (rather than an emerging developing nation democratic system). It becomes an exercise in futility since we would already know the assessment scores at the outset!

These discussions on liberal and illiberal democracy point to the need for NIS assessment tools to be predicated on risk management rather than a purely compliance framework in its variables.

1.4 NIS assessments are more effective as advocacy tools when they encompass: • Clarity on the current state of corruption risk and integrity elements; • Consideration of the relative impact and importance of values driven outcomes and compliance driven outcomes; • Clarity in the scope (e.g. all sectors of society or public sector lead focus) • Closer focus on areas of higher risk/lower integrity; • Strategic engagement with key stakeholders throughout the NIS process; • Recommendations that are measurable and impactful, targeted and achievable; • Sustained advocacy on the recommendations; • Sustained monitoring, with key stakeholders, of progress against recommendations. 

1.5 A core element of any NISA for Pacific nations needs to be the interplay between public awareness and expectation, and the effectiveness of the institutions of integrity.

1.6 Any regional NIS assessment would benefit from having natural synchronicity with local and national reforms; regional and collective reforms and reforms needed to impact on forces/factors which affect the region but are external to it.

The notion of “thinking globally, acting locally”  in the context of integrity means that the people in their respective traditional communities are guided by their communal values of sharing and caring.

According to Mahina, (2018) we can look into the past, identify what worked then, contextualise it and use it for our betterment in the future.

Culture changes and can be integrated with the best of our Colonial heritage and other enduring values resulting from our globalized existence.

The important message is that traditional knowledge and governance strategies have evolved to become a dynamic system. It has stood the test of time and space. It must act as a beacon guiding people as they navigate the present and future (Mahina, 2018).

1.7 NIS assessments would benefit from integrated planning of impact objectives, and an evaluation framework that takes into account the various impact dimensions.

According to Nabobo-Baba one cannot and should not work with the indigenous people who make up more than 60% of the population without taking into account the: language, indigenous knowledge protocols, philosophies and their life principles (Nabobo-Baba, U. 2008).

The assessment tools should follow that framing by not measuring the current national integrity pillars as something intrinsic in itself. The tools should also assess the traditional and Western based integrity systems in a holistic manner. The integrity pillars assess the national governance system to ensure that it functions in a democratically dynamic way to benefit its citizens. The citizens using their traditional ethos engage with Government through their extended family and clan communal lens. This will ensure that the national integrity system encased in the Constitution and legal documents becomes a living functioning tool for promoting integrity. (The current situation is that these laws governing integrity pillars are written in legalistic English which the bulk of citizens cannot comprehend since they communicate mainly in their vernacular languages.)

Pacific regionalism and integrity systems

Through the Fiji National University which has students from various Pacific nations (and other local and regional Universities) research leading to publications can be undertaken on national integrity systems. Studies can also be undertaken on best practices in various island nations. This initiative can promote regionalism in enabling best practices to be adapted.

Reference

Baba, T. L., (1986) ‘Education in Small Island States of the Pacific: The search for alternatives’, in Equity and Diversity: Challenges for Educational Administrations, Record of proceedings of the sixth International Intervisitation Programme in Educational Administration (Ed Edwards, W. L.) August, 1986, Massey University, Palmerston North. Pp 79 – 84.

Mahina, H. O. (2018). Philosophying Past, Present and Future. Paper presented at the Inaugural Pacific Philosophy Conference (2018). Suva, Fiji.

Nabobo- Baba, U. (2008). Decolonising Framings in Pacific Research: Indigenous Fijian Vanua Research Framework as an Organic Response. University of the South Pacific, Suva, Fiji. Vol. 4, Iss. 2. pp. 140-154

Smith, L. T (2012) Decolonizing Methodologies: Research and Indigenous Peoples. Second Edition. Zed Books Ltd, The Foundry, 17 Oval Way, London SE115RR, UK.

Vaai, U. L (2017). Relational Hermeneutics: Decolonising the Mindset and the Pacific Itulagi. University of the South Pacific Press. Suva. Fiji. pp 17-4